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Americans are rightfully proud of the right to express their political opinions at the ballot box and expect a peaceful transition of government leadership to whoever wins a general election. Nevertheless, in most election cycles, substantial numbers of Americans are more motivated to vote against one candidate than wholeheartedly in favor of the other. Why don’t we have more, and better choices for our leaders?

Who Are Democratic Party Members and Primary Voters?

As they are currently constituted, both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party are dominated by the ideologically extreme ends of their memberships. On the Democratic side, union members accounted for 22% of Democratic National Convention (DNC)  delegates, and unions are major money contributors to the Democratic Party. Unions spent $1.1 billion on politics from 2005-2011 and another $3.3 billion on other activities such as lobbying, of which 92% was spent on the Democratic Party . This is so despite the fact that only 12% of workers nationally are union members, and 40% of union members are Republicans Party members or vote that way. Another 8% were “Greens” who favor much higher fossil fuel costs and more EPA Regulatory Rules which are cost multipliers for many businesses.

Who Are Republican Party Members and Primary Voters?

On the Republican side, as much as 50% of primary voters are Evangelicals and Pro-Lifers, about 10% of party members are Tea Party supporters who oppose new taxes as a means to repair the Federal fisc, and about 10% are also NRA members who believe that Americans should be able to carry assault weapons. There is considerable overlap amongst these segments.

Why Is the Composition of Political Party Members and Primary Voters a Problem?

The Democratic Party has about 30% of its membership with far left, non mainstream core beliefs. The Republican Party has about 30% of its membership comprised of those with far right non mainstream core beliefs. These extreme views are disproportionally represented in America’s political process because 30% of Americans consider themselves to be independents not allied or involved with determining policy positions in either party. Paradoxically, it is the vote of these independents that determines the outcome of general elections.

In order to incorporate the support of their extremist radical wings, each political party is forced to move away from centrist platforms that would likely appeal to the greater portion of the electorate. In particular, the Republican Party’s presidential candidate is perennially hobbled by conservative social policy declarations required to be made during the primaries to secure the nomination, only to attempt to backtrack during the general election campaign. As a result of these discrepancies between party participants and the general electorate,  the American Republican and Democratic parties are among the weakest in the world with respect to being able to present to voters a team of candidates united by coherent principles and a program for governing the country.

Why Does America Only Have Two Political Parties?

America’s founding fathers made many compromises in order the secure the approval by the states of a federally empowered central government under the Constitution. One of many checks and balances on federal power was the adoption of a bicameral legislative body with disproportional power given to smaller states in the Senate. Another was the adoption of the Electoral College. This indirect presidential election scheme is further reinforced by the congressional election methodology.

The main reason for America’s majoritarian character is the electoral system for Congress. Members of Congress are elected in single-member districts according to the “first-past-the-post” (FPTP) principle, meaning that the candidate with the plurality of votes is the winner of the congressional seat. The losing party or parties win no representation at all. The first-past-the-post election tends to produce a small number of major parties, perhaps just two…. Smaller parties are trampled in first-past-the-post elections.
—Economist Jeffrey D. Sachs, The Price of Civilization, 2011
The single member plurality of our voting system also results in the disgusting spectacle of gerrymandered districts which further distort the ability of alternative voices being heard in elections.

What Can Be Done to Fix the Problem?

In what may well be a surprise to most of the American electorate, there are two other national political parties, the Libertarian and the Green Party. While the Libertarians manged to place their candidate on every national ballot, they won no states and received no electoral votes. As I wrote in Why Do We (Still) Have the Electoral College?, a proportional voting or parliamentary system is the solution. Such systems are  inherently much more open to minority parties securing better representation than third parties do in the American system. Currently, Maine and Nebraska are the only states that proportionally split their electoral vote, but there is no legal impediment to the adoption of such policies in every other state.

What Would a Proportional Direct Vote World Look Like?

A direct proportional vote within each state would have the practical effect of making presidential elections a popular vote. It would not truly be one because votes would be sub-totaled by each states’ Electoral College votes, and there could be rounding errors. The change could be implemented without requiring a Constitutional Amendment.

Candidates would place greater efforts on larger population centers which might skew heavily toward another party, because electoral votes would be available at the margin. Voter participation would likely rise dramatically, particularly in deeply partisan states, because every vote would count. From a public policy standpoint, this would be presumed to be good for America. The following chart shows that the US election system is responsible for one of the lowest voluntary voter participation rates in the developed world.

The rise of more centrist third, fourth or even fifth parties could unleash a torrent of choices for American voters. Because each of these smaller parties would need to build governing majority coalitions, compromise would be required for political success. The current gridlock  in Washington would be history. More independents would be co-opted to participate in the system because their narrower concerns would be better addressed by smaller parties.

America is a center/center-left nation. We are ethnically and racially majority minority for the first time in our history. It’s about time that our politics and our politicians better reflected this new reality and gave new voices a chance to be truly heard.

The US Anti Doping Agency on October 10 made public hundreds of pages of documents of evidence including financial payments, emails, scientific data and laboratory test results that further prove the use, possession and distribution of performance enhancing drugs (PEDs) by Lance Armstrong and the US Postal Service team that won seven Tour De France crowns. Included was testimony given by eleven of his teammates that Armstrong and the other riders used steroids and growth hormones. Further, they performed transfusions of their own blood in a well organized program to enhance their performance over the grueling three week event. Despite hundreds of tests performed in and out of competition over many years, these men evaded detection. How did they do that?

History of Performance Enhancing Drug usage

Doping in sport is not a new phenomenon. Ancient Olympians were reputed to eat a lizard meat that provided a special edge. The popularity of endurance sports at the turn of the 20th century gave rise to open usage of various substances, including cocaine, that might keep competitors upright. In the modern Olympics, the winner of the 1904 marathon was given brandy and strychnine by his coach during the race. During World War II, US soldiers and airmen were routinely given amphetamines in order to better endure long hours in combat operations.

Steroid usage in sports was first utilized by East German weightlifters in the late 1940s and was later expanded to swimmers and track and field athletes. Following widespread calls for action,  the International Olympic Committee finally banned PEDs in 1967. Enforcement was inconsistent until athletes, sports governing bodies and international organizations formed the World Anti Doping Agency (WADA) in 1999 to codify what substances were to be banned and to administer uniform testing methodologies for possible violations.  As the creators of PEDs continue to improve their sophistication, potency and transparency, WADA and its constituencies also innovate new ways to detect these drugs. It publishes an updated “Prohibited List” annually. Because WADA is unable to anticipate all possible new developments, the first page of the list states

“Any pharmacological substance which is not addressed by any of the subsequent sections of the List and with no current approval by any governmental regulatory health authority for human therapeutic use (e.g drugs under pre clinical or clinical development or discontinued, designer drugs, substances approved only for veterinary use) is prohibited at all times.”

What drugs/procedures are prohibited and why?

The drugs taken by athletes differ widely based on the performance needs of the sport. Erythropoietin (EPO) is largely taken by endurance athletes who seek a higher level of red blood cells, which leads to more oxygenated blood, and a higher VO2 max, which increases the body’s ability to transport oxygen to the blood during exercise. EPO has become popular among athletes who choose to juice because it has a low degree of detectability when compared to other methods of doping such as blood transfusions. EPO is believed to have been widely used by athletes in the 1990s, in large part because there was not a way to directly test for the drug until 2002.  EPO is very dangerous because it increases the viscosity of blood, leading to seizures and heart attacks, and has been linked to the deaths of 18 pro cyclists in the last fifteen years.

In sports which physical strength is favored, athletes have resorted to anabolic steroids, known for their ability to increase physical strength and muscle mass. The drugs mimic the effect of naturally occurring  testosterone in the body.  Anabolic steroids were developed as a solution to the extensive side effects of testosterone use, although they are far from completely safe. Their many negative side effects in men include, but are not limited to, acne, impaired liver function, impotency, breast formation (gynecomastia), erectile dysfunction and baldness.

Athletes seeking to avoid testing positive for doping use various methods to cheat on the drug tests. The most common methods include urine replacement, diuretics (which are used to cleanse the body before having to provide samples) and blood transfusions, which also increase the blood’s oxygen carrying capacity (in turn increasing endurance without the presence of drugs that could trigger a positive test result.)

Some Other Considerations

Despite the health problem brought by PEDs, some athletes point to the already dangerous environment in sports like football and martial arts and wonder if there is a double standard. Health concerns brought by the aggressive nature of these sports is deemed acceptable but PEDs are not. They point out that protective headgear results in both more dangerous and greater numbers of head and neck injuries in football than if no helmets were used.

Many top athletes also believe the doping rules are somewhat arbitrary. Changes in diet such as consuming whole grains or eating gluten free are acceptable choices while the sweetener Stevia (found in energy drinks) was once prohibited. Ill athletes are generally loathe to take anything more than aspirin because decongestants and asthma medications require specific WADA waivers. Sleeping in a hyperbaric chamber to increase the supply of oxygen in the blood is acceptable, though not accessible to most, while low cost drugs to achieve the same effect are banned.

The Morality Issues

The world governing body of professional cycling, the UCI, recently stripped Lance Armstrong of his record seven Tour de France titles. The UCI decided that no winners would be declared for those years because the use of PEDs was so pervasive that it was likely that anyone near the top of the standings was similarly tainted. Lance won those races by spending countless hours training and six or seven hours on the saddle most days of those Tours. If he had not “juiced” with PEDs, it is almost certain that he would not have crossed the finish line a winner. If he wanted to win, he had to juice. Because everyone else was too. He could simply have walked away, and refused to participate. Every elite athlete has a precious window of time in which to potentially dominate. This was his time. So is he guilty or is he a victim of circumstance? Don’t the governing bodies have an obligation to provide for a “level playing field” so that athletes who abide by the prohibitions have a reasonable chance to win?

What of the future? In London last July, Oscar Pistorius of South Africa became the first double amputee to run in an Olympic track event after winning a court appeal against the IAAF (track and field’s world governing body). The IAAF had maintained that his carbon fiber prosthetic legs gave Pistorius an unfair advantage over other athletes.

The reasons for the ban on PEDs are primarily the health risks of usage and the desire for equality of opportunity for athletes. In the coming years sports governing bodies will be forced to deal with genetic enhancements and other mechanical changes to the human body. Authorities will be hard pressed to decide what regulations to enforce when changes made by athletes are both permanent and not health risks. Violators of any standards will almost always be one step ahead of the testers, and regulatory bodies would do well to use a light touch rather than a heavy hand. The moral issues are far from straightforward, and there will be many valid opinions as to what is right or wrong. What do you think? How far would you go to be a champion?

The mismatch between federal government revenues (taxes) and spending has resulted in $1 trillion+ deficits for the last four years. Left unaddressed, the US could become another Greece in the next 10 or 12 years; unable to sustain existing benefits and services for its citizens. Democrats favor balancing the equation by increasing taxes while Republicans have opposed most tax increases and demand spending reductions. This has led to an impasse and multiple calls for reform of the US Tax Code, which has become 73,000+ pages long and has not seen major revisions since 1986. The Simpson Bowles Commission and other would be reformers advocate a simplified structure with 3 tax brackets and a great reduction in deductions.

In order to see where such changes would need to come from, Diogenes examined the major deductions and credits taken by US taxpayers to discover which are the most unfair, or unjust. Below is a chart showing the magnitude of each of these “tax expenditures”.

Employer Paid Health Insurance

The largest single deduction, that taken for employer provided insurance plans, should be the first deduction to be eliminated. The amounts companies (or government) spend on these plans should become ordinary income for everyone. All Americans should be given a deduction of up to about $10,000 for direct health insurance spending. While this would cost revenue, there is no public policy benefit to forcing the 30% of Americans who are self employed or self insured to pay for their health insurance with after tax dollars.

Municipal Bond Interest & State and Local Income Taxes

Not shown on the chart are an estimated $120 billion in interest payments on about $3 trillion in municipal bonds, which are generally not subject to federal taxes. Many wealthy citizens avoid tax on substantial portions of their income with these deductions. The Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) was originally enacted to force these few to pay their “fair share”, but because of the “Fiscal Cliff“, the number of Americans subject to the AMT absent Congressional action before January will rise from about 4 million to over 25 million.

This deduction should also be eliminated. There is simply no justification to reduce federal revenues to provide support for the local and state projects that these bonds finance. Similarly, the $54 billion in deductions for state and local income taxes should not be deductible from federal taxes. Why do all taxpayers have to subsidize the profligate states (California, Illinois, Massachusetts)? We could broaden the tax base and lower marginal tax rates. The real effect of this deduction is subsidize the high-tax-rate states at the expense of all other taxpayers. People deserve the governments they get. Those who don’t like the policies in Illinois and don’t live there don’t deserve to be forced to pay for a part of the results.

Mortgage Interest Deduction

“Subsidizing housing finance is especially problematic, as home building clearly over expanded in the early 2000s and needed to contract. If public policy subsidized a good into excess supply, further subsidies aren’t the cure. The Fed has merely delayed adjustment in the housing and financial sectors by continuing to direct credit to them.” (Gerald O’Driscoll, WSJ 8/31)

The mortgage interest deduction is also socially unjust, as it disadvantages minorities and the poor. Only 43% of minorities and 65% of whites are able to take advantage of it. Furthermore, it has failed to achieve it’s public policy purchase of increasing home ownership. The rate of home ownership in the US trails many other countries which provide no tax advantages to home owners. By subsidizing housing finance, the US government has also absorbed about $160 billion in losses at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (so far).

Deduction of Charitable Contributions

Americans have a long history of being among the most charitable people on Earth. But why does government need to support this generosity with over $50 billion in tax deductions? Wouldn’t we still give? And if I am an atheist, why do I need to taxably support contributions to your church?

How Do We Decide Which Deduction and Credits To Eliminate?

We have just identified over $325 billion in tax deductions that should be immediately eliminated in the tax code. However, one can only imagine the howls of protest from lobbying groups whose determined efforts have resulted in these distortions to an equitable tax code.

The AMT and various code reform attempts including Simpson Bowles suggested that deductions be phased out as income increases. However, this again results in continuing complexity within the tax code. A reform proposed last week by Republican Presidential candidate Mitt Romney is to enact tax simplification by limiting any taxpayer’s total deductions to an amount that would result in revenue neutrality after enactment of across the board rate cuts. He has suggested that the number would be between $17,000 and $50,000. The genius of this proposal is that it would protect the deductions of the middle class. It would limit benefits to high income earners even as it cuts their rates to spur investment activities.

The approach is also appealing because it would make more income subject to taxation—which boosts revenue—while reducing opposition from taxpayers who want to preserve specific deductions. One benefit for politicians is that capping deductions wouldn’t produce the same intense opposition they would get if they tried to eliminate just a few specific deductions. And Congress could continue to sell their fiscal favors to special interests secure in the knowledge that they wouldn’t be hurting the country (much).

When Americans are asked what the most important issues are in this presidential election, they cite jobs and the economy. By any objective measure, the Obama presidency has been one of poor economic growth. No matter what hand a President is dealt, at some point, he owns the record. Since Mr. Obama is poised to be re-elected, some other factors must determine who we choose to vote for.

Do we want to vote for someone who looks like us?

In the 2008 heyday of hope and change, strong minority turnout helped push Mr. Obama to victory, especially in such swing states as Virginia and New Mexico. But as another election approaches, the minority thrill is gone. According to the Census Bureau, Hispanic voter registration has fallen 5% across the U.S., to about 11 million. Black registration is down by 7%

About 40% of whites who voted in 2008 crossed the racial divide and voted for a black man, while only 4% of blacks who voted did so for a white man. Most of Hilary Clinton’s supporters in the Democratic presidential primaries in 2008 were women, and for many, that was her greatest asset. We remain racially polarized on a political level in 2012, as the following chart shows. Each candidate’s total support among voters is broken down by race.

If we are ever to become a truly multicultural society, we need to make choices based on issues rather than appearance, race, ethnicity or gender. But how de we do that when so many voters are either incapable or don’t care to understand the issues and have no concept of macroeconomics? It’s almost perverse that we make naturalized citizens learn about our constitution and pass a civics test before earning their passports. Only about a quarter of the native born electorate could pass these tests. Is it any wonder how poor a job public education is doing in science and math compared to the rest of the world when in our public schools we don’t even properly teach our children their future rights and obligations as citizens?

Do we want to elect someone who promises to look out for us even if we doubt the ability to deliver?

President Obama has consistently promised that he would make the economy fairer and more level. Somehow his policies have had the opposite effect. The most recent report by the Census Bureau indicates that annual household income fell in 2011 for the fourth straight year. Between 2009 and 2011, income for the middle fifth of the population declined 1%, while income for the top fifth increased 4%. Seniors, dependent on their savings saw interest rates fall by over 31% (Jan. 23, 2009 to date), while inflation further reduced the value of their savings by 9%.

President Obama promised to create jobs. Since January 2009 the civilian labor-force participation rate has fallen by 2.2 percentage points, representing a loss of over five million jobs. His policies, though, have juiced the stock market. An investor willing and able to take risks profited by over 65% if he bought stocks tracking the Dow at President Obama’s inauguration.  The administration’s policies are hurting the poor more than they are hurting the workers and net taxpayers of America, i.e., the millionaires and billionaires.

Do we chose ideology over prosperity?

Without doubt, some of what comes out of the Republican Party with regards to social issues is simply hateful and fighting the tide of history. Opposition to gay marriage and “legitimate” rape are only two dark examples. The president’s economic policies have clearly hurt most Americans, whereas the policies advocated by the Republicans at least have a chance to improve the economy, and yet the Republicans are behind in the election race. Is it possible that America has reached a tipping point and finally prefers the “social equality” espoused by Democrats (equal shares of the pie) instead of unequal shares of a growing pie, also/known/as capitalism? Mr. Romney inelegantly makes the case that the “takers” in the 47% of Americans who do not pay income taxes, are now poised to overwhelm the “makers” he seeks to represent. Mr. Romney may know more about economics than Mr. Obama, but the public thinks he doesn’t understand the economic problems of average Americans.

Do we choose to vote for someone we want to spend time with?

As we approach the first presidential debate this evening, how will Americans decide who wins? Most of the audience will have long ago decided who they will vote for, if they vote (less than 60% of eligible voters will cast ballots.) Will any of the few truly undecideds in the electorate be swayed by the arguments that can be communicated within this rigid time frame?

Apart from their purely show-business aspect, do the debates in any significant way enhance our appreciation of the minds or the characters of the presidential candidates? Mostly the debates will show how quickly the candidates can organize and regurgitate sound bites and parry attacks without becoming flustered. A fast response has little to do with genuine thought, which requires brooding over a subject, laboriously working through its complications. Quickness of response, so central to the debater, is a useful  but minor skill that has little to do with handling difficult questions and serious problems.

In the final analysis, Americans usually vote in presidential elections for the candidate with the greater empathy, or likability. The clear exception here would be Richard Nixon, who it seems nobody liked very much. In this election, it’s not even close. Mr. Romney is another rich old white man, and Mr. Obama is seriously cool!

What is the Fiscal Cliff and Why is it Important?

“Fiscal Cliff” is a term coined by Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke to describe the confluence of tax hikes and spending cuts set to begin in January 2013.  The non-partisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has projected that as a result of these changes in fiscal policy, over $600 billion will be taken out of the US economy in 2013, of which approximately 60% are tax increases and 40% expenditure reductions.  Over a third of all the changes are tax increases that arise from repeal of the 2001 “Bush Tax Cuts” and an increase (from about 4 million to over 30 million) in the number of taxpayers subject to the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT), which phases out tax deductions and regular code benefits as income increases. Unlike regular tax rates, AMT rates are not regularly adjusted for inflation. The chart below shows the relative impact of the expiring provisions and changes.

Source: CBO

Other key parts of the pending policy changes are the expiration of Payroll Tax cut, the end of extended federal unemployment benefits, and the first of the across the board “sequestrations” which limit all federal expenditures, including defense, without respect to the relative importance of programs. Taken together, if Congress does not act to prevent these changes, the US economy will have about 5% lower total GDP next year as compared to a continuation of current policies. The expected growth in 2013 in GDP without the pending changes is 1.7% according to the CBO. Unabated, the policy changes would push the US economy into a significant recession with as much as a 3% contraction in 1Q’13 and would be accompanied by a large increase in unemployment.

How Did we Get Here?

The US economy has run record budget deficits of over $1 trillion for each of the past 4 years. As in Europe, constantly rising deficits threaten to eventually overwhelm any government’s ability to repay their debts and are not sustainable. Congress has been unable to forge a bipartisan consensus for achieving stability. Taxes and the role of government lie at the heart of the debate. Generally speaking, Republicans favor spending cuts as a primary means to achieve deficit reduction. Most have publicly pledged to oppose all tax hikes, suggesting that growth through tax cuts will increase revenue. Democrats typically believe tax increases should be part of any bargain to reduce long-term entitlement spending, and have generally supported greater reductions in defense spending.

The Fiscal Cliff is in many ways the culmination of a series of increasingly contentious fiscal showdowns between the two parties over the last few years. A fight to raise the debt ceiling in August 2011 (so the government could continue to pay its bills) resulted in the Budget Control Act (BCA). The BCA required a bipartisan “supercommittee” to identify $1.2 trillion in targeted budget savings over ten years by November 2011 or trigger automatic spending cuts for both defense and non-defense spending in fiscal 2013, a result so onerous to both sides that it was believed to incent agreement. The supercommittee was unable to reach a consensus. The balance of the policy changes in the Fiscal Cliff essentially occurred as an accident of timing, unplanned and unintended, a result of lack of agreement and disagreements.

What’s Going to Happen Now?

The US economy is in the middle of a political game of “chicken”. Almost no one expects any significant attempt to deal with the Fiscal Cliff before the November general election. This uncertainty is widely expected to shave 0.5% from GDP growth in the second half of 2012, as successful businesses postpone capital purchases and hiring additional employees until after some clarity appears.

If action to alter the policy changes does take place, most think it will occur during the Lame Duck session of Congress to begin in late November. Many alternatives could occur as Congress addresses each of the fiscal changes individually. The theory is that by delaying some of the near-term contraction in favor of longer-run deficit reduction, we could get the best of both worlds: no recession in the near term and no debt crisis in the long-term.

It is likely that the largest single change, the Bush era tax cuts, will be allowed to expire. Democrats were reluctant to extend them in 2010, and aren’t anxious to do so again, as they achieve the party’s goal of raising taxes on those who pay taxes rather than broadening the tax base. Republicans perversely want the Bush cuts to expire so that any changes to rates enacted after January can later be claimed to be tax cuts from a higher rate.

The Lame Duck session will probably extend the “temporary” Payroll Tax Cuts,  and an AMT “patch” will likely be passed to keep millions of middle income taxpayers from being subjected to the AMT’s higher rates. The fate of the balance of the Fiscal Cliff policy changes are subject to the general election results. If Mr. Romney wins the presidential race, the Lame Duck session will likely pass legislation to postpone most or all of the changes for about six months to allow the new administration to deal with the issues. If Mr. Obama is re-elected, it is likely that most of the changes will be allowed to take effect. A mild recession will almost certainly ensue, but many believe that taking this tough medicine could set the stage for a more enduring recovery.

How Do We Fix the Problem?

The worst possible outcome from the Fiscal Cliff would be if Congress merely postpones all the 2013 policy changes. The trouble with kicking the can down the road is that you eventually encounter it again. Allowing current law to take effect (walking off the cliff) might pressure legislators enough to enact a comprehensive plan to replace much of the policy changes with a combination of tax reform, entitlement reform, and spending reductions which could phase in gradually and thoughtfully to put the debt on a clear downward path. (see On Leadership). Lower tax rates coupled with the phaseout of the many special interest deductions and credits could unleash GDP growth that would allow the US to grow its way out of deficits and reduce persistently high unemployment.

A Lame Duck session of Congress in the United States occurs when the legislative body is in session after an election has been held, but the term of the newly elected Congress has not yet begun. Lame Duck members have been defeated or did not stand for re-election.The term “lame duck” was originally applied to bankrupt businessmen in 18th century England, whose impairment rendered them vulnerable, like “a game bird injured by shot.”

Starting in 1789, the terms of the President, the Vice President and the incoming Congress began on March 4, four months after the elections were held. This was a reasonable delay at the end of the 18th century, when a newly-elected official might require several months to put his affairs in order and then undertake the journey from his home to the national capital. The adoption in 1935 of the 20th Amendment shortened the interval between an election and the beginning of a legislative term. American national elections are now held on the 1st Tuesday in November in even numbered years. The first session of a Congress takes place on January 3 of the following (odd numbered) year, and the President is sworn in on January 20th of every other even numbered year.

The eight week interregnum encompassed the Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year’s holidays and was thought to allow  for a more reasonable transition for members of Congress. Congressional business that was required to be undertaken in the last 2 months of any congressional term was expected to be of such importance as to warrant attention from a lame duck session. Procrastination and deadlock are not a recent Congressional phenomenon. Since 1935, there have been 18 lame duck sessions out of a possible 38. It is fairly certain that 2012 will see a 19th session.

This year’s session promise to be one of the most active in many years. Big-ticket items — including the expiring Bush tax rates, budget sequestration and an increase in the debt ceiling — will have to be dealt with by Dec. 31. Votes on those politically tough issues are unlikely during campaign season, and the probable increase in Republican congressional members provides a last chance for Democrats to further their legislative agenda. Other issues that require action from Congress include the expiration of the payroll tax cut, extending unemployment benefits, reversing cuts to doctors’ Medicare payments, spikes in the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) and the estate tax and the renewal of a tax-extenders (special interests ) package. All pending bills die at the end of a Congress and must be reintroduced at the start of a new two-year term, so they can’t simply wait to be dealt with by the new (presumably more Republican) Congress.

Some might argue that a Lame Duck session frees up Congress to put needed legislation forward without the threat of an election hanging over their heads. The theory is that a clearly approaching deadline allows for compromises to be reached across party lines. This cynical approach to government is completely contrary to the spirit our democratic traditions. One of the rights of our citizens is to be able to hold our elected officials accountable for their votes, and to vote the incumbents out if we so choose. Do we want to enact important legislation during a Lame Duck session? Under time pressure to accept compromises, members of Congress routinely vote on thousand page bills even their staff hasn’t properly reviewed and considered, and often haven’t even fully read.

One wonders why today we have a delay of more than a week or two between elections and the term of a new Congress or President? Technology has long made overnight travel possible from anywhere in the US to Washington. Under a parliamentary system there are usually no fixed dates for elections or the beginning of terms, so that a new session of parliament will always begin with its first meeting after an election has been held. Often the previous parliament is simply dissolved by the head of state at the request of the head of government. It is time to end the spectacle of a dysfunctional Congress made to appear even more inept with Lame Duck sessions.

Harvard College was established in 1636. For the next 200 years Harvard, six other members of what became the Ivy League and a few religious schools were the only colleges in America. Attendance at these schools was almost exclusively a rich man’s privilege. The first government funded public universities were established after passage of the Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act of 1862, which aimed to make higher education more easily accessible to the citizenry of the country. Unlike the Ivy League schools, which provided a broad liberal arts and religious education, the land grant schools redefined higher education to have more practical applications. They were designed to be agricultural and industrial colleges.

Roughly 80% of American college students now attend public colleges and universities. These schools have a long tradition of  being essentially free and open to all. Despite that tradition, today public school students, or their families, typically pay about $10,000/year in fees, and room and board are not included. Many private schools now cost more than $40,000/year.  College costs increased 439% over the 25 year period from 1982-2007, compared to inflation of 106%, and outpacing even healthcare cost increases of 251%.

The reasons for the rise in higher education costs are many, but the primary one is the lack of productivity growth. Unlike the industrial and agriculture sectors, higher education is essentially unchanged from its 19th century conception. It is labor intensive and not subject to the demands for ever increasing efficiencies which after inflation have reduced the costs of manufactured and distributed goods such as electronics, clothing and food.

Higher education cost increases have been largely made feasible by government Pell Grants and the federal takeover of education lending. These now allow any citizen not convicted of major crimes to obtain funding without any assessment as to ability to repay this debt, much as no documentation loans fueled the sub-prime credit crisis, so essentially, we already have a higher education entitlement.The Department of Education spends about $30 billion/year for various higher education programs, grants and aid, and has now largely pushed private lenders out of the $1 trillion student loan market.

Even with this public support, 82% of college students now take out college loans to pay for a higher education that is far from perfect (see my post Grading Higher Education). If having more of our population attain a college education is the best way for America to increase our collective wealth and economic vitality, why do we saddle our young adult college students with debts that are the modern equivalent of indentured servitude, or an excess mortgage? Public universities should revert to their traditional function of providing good practical educations at very low cost.

The established model of education is under pressure given its accelerating costs, its reliance on public funding and institutional resistance to recognize new education-delivery techniques through technological advancements. At the same time, making education more accessible would be a giant step towards addressing income inequality and social inequity, because education level attainment is the best long term predictor of economic success. So how do we pay for low fee public education for more of our young adults?

Merely imposing more cost containment features will not be sufficient to significantly lower the costs of higher education. We need to reinvent what a college degree means in this century. Americans will need to adapt to new social and economic realities. Online classes have already become part of an extended curriculum for many students. In an iTunes version of public education, relevant learning experiences will originate from the large building down the street, from a music studio in Lincoln Center or a lecture hall at Oxford. Critical thinking skills will still need to be developed by working in close interaction with educators who can correct papers and offer individual advice, but online lectures for most courses will permanently reduce the demand for bricks and mortar. Likewise, expensive library systems in a digital age are essentially unnecessary. Relatively new online ventures such as Coursera and Udacity already have over a million students taking free college classes from well known professors including many from elite schools.

In order to provide the incentives for public schools to control their costs, funding should be capitated for each student and paid directly to the schools much as we fund public primary and secondary schools. Taking only the existing expenditures on higher education at the federal level, this would equate to about $1500/student. State and local funding of public schools added another $85 billion, or $4300/student. Numbers vary every year, but public spending on higher education from all levels of government on the 20 million or so students is roughly $5800/student/year. So we aren’t talking about a lot more in costs; it’s a rethinking of how to spend that money in a vastly more efficient way.

If we are to re-imagine higher education as a low cost publicly funded “privilege” and entitlement as much as a primary and secondary education, we should then question why we should also continue to fund private higher education? Private universities should should be granted the standard student capitation rate much as charter schools are funded, or vouchers are provided for private schools in some districts. Beyond that, let private schools fund their own students.

If you get accepted at Harvard, then it should be up to Harvard to provide grants or loans that make it possible for you to attend. After graduation, you would owe Harvard or its bank, not a federal agency. Such debts could be discharged in bankruptcy, so real credit decisions would need to be made by loan officers, perhaps making it harder to fund art history majors, but easier to provide funds for engineering students. If Harvard declines to provide adequate funding, then you don’t go there. There would be some bright but poor (or middle-class) students who can’t go to Harvard. Instead they’ll have to go to UCLA or Rutgers. Why is this a tragedy? It might even end up as an improvement as state universities find themselves able to enroll more of the very best students, and private universities redesign their cost structures to adjust to a different funding model.

One of the many problems of aging athletes is the simple inability to move as quickly as they did in their physical prime. Many tennis players respond to the ravages of time by trying to play more doubles. But the challenge of switching to doubles is the difficulty of organizing four players of remotely equal abilities at just the time when a court is available.

Diogenes believes that the ultimate solution to this problem is a new format that is easier for old bodies to play. Called One-on-One Doubles®, also known as Ghost Doubles, the game’s rules were developed and trademarked by former Harvard Women’s Coach Ed Krass, who is also a USTA High Performance Coach, and the Director of College Tennis Exposure Camps.

1-0n-1 Doubles Tennis is the first alternative, competitive format to singles and doubles since the inception of the game in the 1870s. 1-0n-1 Doubles Tennis is a half-court, serve-and-volley singles competition played on a doubles court. 1-on-1 Doubles Tennis can be played in both tournament and league format.

The half-court, serve-and-volley singles game played on the doubles court is strictly a cross court competition with new game dimensions. There is a divisible line drawn through the middle of the court from the center service line to the middle of the baseline. On clay, one can use a regular court liner to make this divisible line through the middle (informally players can just scrape a line with the edge of their shoe). On hard courts, one can use chalk or white athletic/trainers’ tape to mark off the middle line (or informally, just pretend the line is there). All points are played cross court with the alley included. All players must serve and volley on both first and second serves. Half-volleys are permitted. The returner can stay back or come into the net.

In singles a player must defend a space 27 feet wide by 39 feet deep; a total area of 1053 square feet. In one on one doubles, a player defends a space of 18 feet by 39 feet; a total area of 702 SF, 1/3 less than in singles. This means that 3 steps gets to any ball instead of the four it often takes in singles.

Speed and power advantages of younger players are blunted, allowing older players to compete more evenly with youngsters. The angles are better too. It is harder to hit winners through the court so placement is more critical than pace.

The 1-0n-1 format forces players to hit to a specific target, and to focus on how to “not miss”. One is always required to hit a cross court shot over the lower part of the net, which is what most players should do on about 90% of ground strokes but probably only do 60% of the time. Hitting up the line, or straight through the court requires crossing your ball over the higher part of the net and bringing it down in a shorter distance than hitting cross court. As a result, even on the ATP tour, where all the competitors have exquisite skills, about 80% of ground stroke errors occur when a player chooses to change direction and NOT hit cross court.

The 1-0n-1 game provides a competitive format of play combining both singles and doubles skills all within one game. It places a premium on hand and racquet skills that can be improved at any age. Because winners are very hard to hit, the rallies tend to be longer, yielding play that is higher intensity with lower impact on older bodies. Many players who want to play on consecutive days (weekends) are more easily able to do so without pain. Did I mention that One-0n-One Doubles is also great fun? The points are quick and more varied than in singles, with both players often ending at the net with smiles on their faces.

Last week America celebrated her birthday. 236 years later, the United States remains one of the great bastions of freedom. Our citizens generally abide by the rule of law, property and civil rights as we go about life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Of course we have criminal activity by some individuals and corporate interests, which we (mostly) expect our police and regulatory system will deal with. We also believe that illegal behavior from our public officials, once exposed, will not be tolerated.

Beyond their salaries and benefits, most elected officials receive the esteem of their fellow citizens not only for their public service but out of respect for their offices. Many who are elected do so not for money, ideology, or a lust for power. They are motivated by the desire to serve and “make a difference”, and the belief that they are qualified to do so.

The implicit bargain citizens make with their officials is that in return for the prestige and power of their offices, our politicians will serve us faithfully to the best of their abilities free of the corruption that plagues many foreign governments. There are a bevy of regulations in place to prevent conflicts of interest, taking bribes, trading on inside information or otherwise allow politicians to unduly profit from their positions. Furthermore, we expect our officials not to commit “acts of moral turpitude” (see Anthony Weiner), not lie to us, and basically not break the laws of the land.

On June 26th, the third longest serving member of Congress, Charles B. Rangel, won the Democratic primary for the 13th House District in New York, all but guaranteeing his reelection in November. Each congressional district represents about 700,000 Americans, of which about 540,000 are of voting age. In the primary, only 39,000 votes were cast, about 7% of eligible voters, and Mr. Rangel received a plurality of less than 50% amongst the 4 candidates on the ballot, with an advantage of about 1000 votes over second place candidate State Senator Adriano Espaillat.

Such a low level turnout allows those narrow interests who have directly benefited from an official’s support to legally hijack the will of the larger community. (Curiously, the 13th District, which includes Harlem, Washington Heights and a portion of Bronx, has historically been majority black, but with demographic changes and redistricting it is now majority hispanic. Mr. Espaillat would have been the first Dominican-American in Congress and presumably was counting on widespread hispanic support in the race, but historically blacks vote at roughly twice the rate of hispanics, nullifying their numerical advantage in this contest.)

Mr. Rangel was first elected in 1970, defeating Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. in the Democratic primary. In 1967, the long serving Mr. Powell had been excluded from his seat by Democratic Representatives-elect of the 90th Congress following ethics violations and allegations of corruption, but Powell was re-elected in 1968 and regained his seat in a 1969 Supreme Court ruling. In 1970, Mr Rangel won the primary by only about 250 votes out of 25,000 cast.

Irrespective of whether one agrees with Mr. Rangel politically, he was once in-arguably  an effective leader of Afro Americans and Democrats in the House of Representatives, and a champion for the development of his Harlem district. He is a founder of the Congressional Black Caucus and a former Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, the chief tax writing committee of the House.

In an eerie echo of his predecessor, in November 2010, Mr. Rangel was found guilty on 11 charges by the House Ethics Committee, and subsequently received a sanction of censure from the entire House. He was only the 23rd congressman in history ever to receive this penalty, and the first in over 30 years. The bipartisan committee stated “public office is a public trust [and Rangel] violated that trust.” Among the violations were:

  • improper solicitation of millions of dollars from corporate officials and lobbyists (who had business before the House Ways & Means Committee) for the Charles B. Rangel Center for Public Service at The City College of New York
  • failure to disclose hundreds of thousands of dollars of income and assets on financial disclosure forms and IRS returns
  • maintaining a rent-stabilized unit in a Harlem luxury apartment building for his campaign committee
  • maintaining multiple rent-stabilized apartments for his personal use, saving over $30,000/year in rent
  • failure to pay income taxes on a villa in the Dominican Republic

Mr. Rangel served his constituents for over 40 years. The violations of House Ethics regulations occurred over at least the last 10 years. He is now 82 years old, and has said that he will retire in 2014. Does such a politician with such long service deserve a final term so as to finish his career with dignity?

Despite renown for compassion, as Diogenes I am astonished that Charlie Rangel remains in Congress. One could hardly present a better case for term limits. Rangel started as a leader of his community, and over time came to believe he was “entitled” to more than the public ever envisioned. As a long time member and later chair of the House Ways & Means Committee, there is no one who should have been more exacting in their effort to comply with the rules. These infractions were wide ranging and long lived, not even close to being acceptable. If he knowingly committed these violations he is corrupt. If he didn’t know he was an idiot. Either way, Rangel is unworthy of elected office.

We should expect and demand that our publicly elected officials adhere to a higher than average code of personal moral and financial conduct. Shame alone will not deter the corrupt from trying to hold on to power. As citizens we need to exercise our right to vote to prevent those malefactors from keeping their offices. If not, as H.L. Mencken said “people deserve the government they get, and they deserve to get it good and hard!”

Americans tend to think of the presidential election as a direct vote of the people. Most are aware that there is a subtotal of votes by state, with that state’s total “electoral votes” going entirely to the highest vote getter in that state. This is why we know that there are “battleground states” which have a relatively even split of voters, and are therefore hotly contested by the candidates.

Such an understanding would be incomplete. America’s founding fathers had only recently completed a revolution against a distant power that imposed “taxation without representation”, and were acutely apprehensive about ceding too much power to a central authority. They created an entirely new form of government, a federal republic of independent states with many checks and balances upon the powers of a national government.  Congress was organized as a bicameral body, one with representation apportioned strictly by population (the House of Representatives), and another (the Senate) with equal votes for each state, regardless of its size or population. This format was intended to preserve the rights of the smaller states, and prevent them from being overwhelmed in government by the larger states.

The Electoral College (EC) today has 538 Electors. Each state is entitled to a number of electors equal to that state’s representation in Congress (Senate + House). Because each state has two Senators and at least one Representative, every state has at least three electors. Since the 23rd Amendment passed in 1961,  Washington, DC has also had 3 electoral votes.  Currently California has the largest number of electors: 55.

The electors meet in their respective state capitals about a month after the general election to cast their votes for president and vice president. These electors, who together form the EC, are the ones who actually elect the president. If no candidate gets a majority of the electoral vote, the House of Representatives elects the president. This happened in 1800 and again in 1824. The choice in the House is made on a one-state/one-vote basis, which means, obviously, that the single representatives of Vermont, Wyoming, Montana, Alaska, and North and South Dakota which combined represent about 1.4% of all Americans, have voting power equal to the combined delegations of California, Texas, Florida, New York, Illinois, and Pennsylvania, which represent about 40.3% of us. States rights are one thing, but does this sound remotely democratic to anyone?

States with many buffalo and few people, like Wyoming, derive disproportionate influence in national elections from the EC and are not keen on changing it. Since every state gets at least three electors, low-population states have far more political power than they would have in a direct election system. The number of voters per elector is about four times smaller in the three-elector states than in the more populous states. Direct election of the president would eliminate the current bias in favor of the Republicans, since there are five predominantly Republican three elector states and only two states and Washington, D.C. are mostly Democratic three elector entities. The Electoral Map below shows the current votes of each state and indicates whether their populations are overwhelmingly Democratic, Republican or mixed. It should be noted that the colors shown are for the states’ voting history in presidential elections. In practice, many of the states are “purple”, with the parties splitting the governorship and control of state legislatures.

Electoral Map of the US by 270towin.com

It is curious to note that every state elects it’s “president”, a/k/a Governor with a strictly popular vote? If one person, one vote is the right way to pick every governor, why not the country’s president?

Some might argue that the Electoral College hampers democracy because it prevents 3rd party candidates from prevailing unless their support is concentrated in fewer states rather than widespread thinly across the country. But broad distribution of support is also required in order to be able to govern, so perhaps that is a good thing?

Having an EC affects voter turnout in various ways. Differences in turnout between swing states and non-swing states under the current electoral college system suggest that replacing the EC with direct election by popular vote would likely increase turnout and participation significantly.The Electoral College depresses voter participation in much of the nation. If one knows their vote will be overwhelmed by the other party’s advantage in that state, their vote doesn’t “count” and we retard participation. Also, a state with low voter turnout gets precisely the same number of electoral votes as if it had a high turnout. By contrast, a well-designed (more) direct election system could spur states to get out the vote.

Of course, one might question the notion that higher voter participation in elections would be a social positive. Some might note that one of the reasons the founding fathers created the EC was that the general public could not be entrusted to wisely choose their president directly. Of course, this was a time when women were disenfranchised and slaves, who of course could not vote, we counted as 3/5ths of a human in determining the apportionment of the slave states’ electoral votes and congressional districts.

Another artifact of the EC is that our candidates mostly campaign in the battleground states that might go either way in a general election. In 2004, for example, a full 99% of all advertising expenditures by the two major-party candidates were concentrated in only seventeen of the states. Florida and Ohio alone accounted for more than 45% ($111 million) of the $235 million spent in all of these states.

Perhaps the most powerful argument for scrapping the EC is that it does not serve the nation well when we have a closely contested election. On four occasions, 1876, 1888, 1960, and 2000, the winner of a plurality of the popular vote was not elected president.

So with all these problems, why don’t Americans demand an end to the EC? Isn’t it merely a relic of a bygone age? Getting rid of the electoral college would require a constitutional amendment. Amending the constitution is (by design) an exceptionally difficult process requiring not only 2/3 majorities of both houses of Congress, but also by the legislatures of 3/4 of the states.

A major criticism of the EC is its winner-take-all character. If Florida’s 25 electoral votes had been split in 2000 13 for George Bush and 12 for Al Gore, then Gore would have been president. There is nothing in the constitution mandating winner-take-all. The manner for choosing electors is regulated by state, not federal law. In fact, two states, Maine and Nebraska, do not use winner-take-all. In those states, the winner of each congressional district gets one elector and the winner of the state as a whole gets an additional two.

Diogenes believes that the fastest, easiest, and best to be hoped for solution to the problems posed by the Electoral College would be for each state to have directly proportional allocation of its electoral votes to each candidate. This would preserve a large measure of the disproportionate influence of smaller states in presidential elections while forcing candidates to run more truly national campaigns that would engage much higher proportions of the electorate. Any state that wanted to adopt this system need only pass a state law to do so. No constitutional amendment would be required.